Abstract
We examine whether electronic communication forums (ComFor) can be considered adequate means to establish new forms of participatory direct democracy in the information society. We take an information science point of view towards democracy and investigate the role of information and communication for politics and democracy respectively. The value-added properties of communication forums in general are outlined, and the chances of transforming the current distributive monopoly of the mass media into interactive forums are discussed. We give some examples of how electronic communication forums are being used in the pre-election phase of the federal election in Germany in 1998. Although forums, which follow in the tradition of USENET newsgroups and chat boards and are increasingly constructed in the World-Wide Web environment, are becoming more user-friendly and usable by the public, they still follow the old thread paradigm. More elaborated orientation, navigation, and visualization tools are needed and, in addition, more comfortable techniques for monitoring complex discussions and establishing automatic links between different forums and these forums' statements respectively. To avoid highly atomized divided "publics" (which are counter-productive for democracy) forums need to be organized according to an open systems architecture which allows access to different forums and thus the exchange of heterogenous opinions. Intensive usage of inter-related forums may not lead to a new media democracy or may replace the indirect representational forms of democracy but it is likely to raise public awareness of the political importance of information and communication and increase participative responsibility in political affairs.
This paper discusses and evaluates tendencies toward direct democracy in the Federal Republic of Germany ("Bundesrepublik Deutschland"). "Direct democracy", of course, is a very broad concept and has been intensively discussed in the political science literature (cf. sect. 2). We discuss "direct democracy" from an information science point of view. Therefore we give primary consideration to the role of information, media, and communication in the development of direct democracy. In this context the concepts of "access control" and "right of information autonomy or self-determination" ("informationelle Selbstbestimmung") play an important role (cf. sect. 3). We thus down-size the topic of direct democracy by concentrating our discussion on the role of electronic communications forums (cf. sect. 4) and demonstrating how they are being used in the context of the federal election in Germany in September 1998 (cf. sect. 5). We conclude this paper with some remarks on the relevance of communication forums, not as a substitute for current democratic practice but as an enrichment through forms of direct participation (cf. sect. 6).
It is still too early to present a well-founded theory on the consequences of communication forums for political praxis. Therefore this paper does not aim to make a theoretical contribution but instead to survey the role that electronic communication forums are playing in Germany three months before the federal election of September 1998.
Direct democracy is a form of political organization in which direct participation of the citizens in political decision-making is dominant, or at least occasionally practiced, in contrast to indirect or representative forms of democracy, in which political (legislative and executive) practice is delegated to special people (delegates, representatives) who have been elected by those with the right to vote. Direct democracy as a form of self-governing democracy ("Selbstregierungsdemokratie") [Sartori/Wildenmann 1992] is more common on the municipal or regional level. On higher political levels, such as states, where more complex tasks need to be carried out, forms of indirect/representational democracy are dominant. The direct election of the president of a state, anchored in the constitutions of many states, is one striking counter-example to the otherwise representational dominance.
In addition to the direct election of delegates, one distinguishes as principles of direct democracy between initiative, referendum and recall [Walker 1987; Cronin 1989]. An initiative is a procedure by which a prescribed number of voters can enforce a binding poll on new or existing laws. The legislative referendum, also determined on the basis of a specified percentage of voters, petitions to approve or to reject a bill that has passed through parliament. The recall enforces the right of the people to petition for the holding of a vote on the removal of a public official. All these classical forms of direct democracy are obviously more effective and also safer if they are organized in an electronic environment. The argument that not everyone has access to these systems or is willing to use techniques such as electronic polls is not really convincing. People would still have the right to go to the polls personally, but electronic elections would be a perfect substitute for the postal vote. The explosive force of electronic polls lies in the potential of immediate feedback, with the consequence that voting patterns are susceptible to being influenced by the intermediate results.
If the concept of direct democracy is taken literally, not only the criterion of participation needs to be fulfilled but also the criterion of co-presence. Co-presence in time and space is, of course, only possible when a very limited number of people is involved. In theory and practice co-presence is not demanded as an exclusive condition for direct democracy [Rourke 1992; Boyer 1992]. As we will see, this is also true for the modern means of direct democracy. Although synchronous communication (with limited multi-presence) is of growing importance, for instance in chat boards and tele-conferencing environments, asynchronous and, of course, dislocated communication is dominant in modern electronic communication devices such as email or electronic forums. The latter are considered in the following as an appropriate means of direct democracy in the (electronic) information society.
Direct democracy in contemporary societies is not considered by most political scientists and politicians as a real alternative to the existing political system of indirect democracy, where it is mainly political parties and political institutions which have the mandate to formulate and to carry out official politics, which are made public by the mass media. The greater rationality and efficiency achieved by delegating political tasks to professionals and competent specialists are considered the main advantages of indirect democracy.
The media are also part of indirect democracy. Journalists and their employers, the media companies, co-decide which topics are policy-relevant and they clearly contribute to the construction of public opinion. In addition to the media, many (professional) interest groups from all areas of society are involved to establishing public and societal consensus and compromise, through which opposing interests can be reconciled. These interest groups work in different arenas and do not have a common platform of publicity. Therefore there is only a limited exchange of positions between them. This is one of the potentials of electronic communication forums, in which people with different organizational backgrounds can communicate with each other.
To conclude this section on direct democracy: Indirect, representative forms of democracy are still dominant, but there is a tendency in many states to strengthen forms of direct democracy [Budge 1996], permitting active citizen participation not only in the direct election of representatives such as mayors of cities or even presidents of states, but also in legislative and executive processes such as initiatives and referendums. Therefore there is no mutual exclusion between direct and indirect forms of democracy. In the current climate of openness to experimentation with new forms of direct democracy, electronic communication forums are likely to spread and to be find use, not only in the realms of science and economy but also as tools in the general political arena.
The interrelation between information, communication, media, and democracy has been intensively discussed in the literature of political science [Hill/Papathanassopoulos 1991; Grofman 1995; Man 1995; Kubicek 1996; Kubicek/Schmid/Wagner 1997; Leggewie 1996; Sussman 1997], of information science [Kuhlen 1995; Wersig 1996], of media science and in the "cyber" literature, for instance with respect to the challenge of the information age [Grossman 1995; Kahin/Keller 1996; Kahin/Nesson 1997] or of cyber future [Sardar/Ravetz 1996] in cyber space [Ludlow 1996] and with respect to the consequences of building a new media democracy [Hazen/Winokur 1997] or a cyber society [Jones 1995; Schuler 1996] or creating postpolitics where "netizens" can play the new electronic games of direct democracy [Hauben/Hauben 1997; Katz 1997; Rash/Wayne 1997].
Among the many issues which are discussed in the interrelated fields of politics and information society, those concerning privacy [Agre/Rotenberg 1997], information inequity [Schiller 1996], information rich and poor [Haywood 1995], information ethics [Smith 1997; Kuhlen 1998] and information control or access [Belloti 1997; Samarajiva 1997] are most relevant in a political perspective. With respect to the more specific topic of direct democracy we will concentrate here how publics and public opinion are differently constructed in an electronic environment compared to the pre-electronic age in which mass media, official parties and politicians were dominant.
In general, the interrelation between democracy and information is quite obvious. What is true for professional politicians - viz. that only information-based decisions are rational and will be accepted by the people, in contrast to decisions made on a charismatic or non-transparent basis - is also true for the people of a state: Only well-informed citizens will act consciously and responsibly as members of a democratic state, although the right to vote is not bound to a certain degree of active information behavior. To care about being well-informed is not a legal but a moral obligation in modern societies. Modern societies can be judged according to the degree to which they provide everyone with access to the information resources which are in principle available. Therefore the right of (free) access to available information resources has been explicitly anchored in many modern constitutions. Free access does not necessarily mean cost-free access to all resources, but it does mean access to those resources through which a basic information supply ("informationelle Grundversorgung") can be achieved. The long-lasting debate whether information can be considered a public or a private good is therefore also a debate about political participation and the chances of direct democracy. With the spread of electronic communication services the right to access information can be extended to the right to communicate, that means to have reading and writing rights and have access to electronic communication forums as platforms for the exchange of individual statements and positions. Not only information competence but also communication competence in all (professional, political, and private) environments is needed in the information society, which, given its democratic basis, will be a communication society.
Usenet newsgroups, email services, list servers, bulletin boards and chat boards were the early communication platforms on the Internet. Today, with the dominance of Web technology, more and more web-based communication forums with user-friendly, graphical and hypertext-based interfaces are being created which are attractive to a broader public, in principle to everyone. It was the early communication tools available only to a minority of net users, primarily in academic environments, which created the early Internet image of a basic-democratic communication form and where the concept of the netizen - some one who considers himself a member of the global information society rather than belonging to a single state - was created. Jon Katz, one of the leading columnists in HotWired, Wired's online network, coined the terms netizen and digital nation and speaks rather optimistically about the way the "Net" will change our democratic attitude [Katz 1997, 58]:
We do not want to overemphasize the influence of information and communication on political decision-making processes. It is well known that exchange of information is not the only requirement for establishing a consensus or a majority, but it is a very important prerequisite. Therefore communication forums cannot be considered a new wonder drug in the pursuit of democracy but they can be a very helpful device, if controlled carefully and used methodologically.
In order to live up to te aim of being a means for the construction of a rational public opinion communication forums need to establish rich knowledge bases about the topics of the forum. These bases can be constructed by the forum's monitoring team and/or can be built up gradually by the forum's participants themselves. The hypertext methodology underlying the Web forum's architecture allows intensive linking to the forum's external resources and expertise. In addition, the participants of the forum need to be provided with powerful search and navigation tools in order to productively access the forum`s knowledge bases and the external link information.
At the time of writing this article (June 1998), the federal election is still to come (9/98) and the communication forums established especially for this major event have not yet entered the hot pre-election phase.Therefore we can only provide a preliminary assessment of the possible consequences. In particular we cannot evaluate the influence of this new public on the result of the election.
Active, reading and writing Internet usage is still the privilege of a minority and a special demographic part of the population (well-educated, above-average income, approximately 30 years old, and predominantly male). Therefore any direct influence on the election may be very limited or it may be considerably biased due to the skewed representativity of the forums' participants. An example for this bias is provided in the election forum of "wahlen.de", which includes a poll on perspective voting. According to the electronic votes on June 23rd of 1998 (still 3 months before the real election) only 4,58% are in favour of the CDU (which is at the moment the main government party), whereas 23,6% are for the Green party. Both these figures are highly unrealistic. This demonstrates quite clearly the demographic bias in the electronic medium.
What is more important at the moment, however, is that we are beginning to experiment with new forms of creating a public and public opinion. This may not lead to a "new" media democracy, comparable to the "old" TV democracy, but it may lead to a new kind of direct democracy. This new form of direct democracy will not replace the indirect representative forms of democracy but it may create a value-added effect, namely broader public awareness and participative responsibility for the whole society. As media theoreticans following McLuhan have pointed out, the medium not only influences the message but also the structure of the whole system of which it is a part [Deibert 1997; Thompson 1995]. The medium, in this case the electronic communication forums, in particular when organized according to open system principles which allow forums to be interrelated, is the environment in which the whole system may gradually change.
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